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And, yes, I DO take it personally: Part 2 on President Cheney: a chronology of torture and avoiding war crimes charges
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Monday, June 25, 2007

Part 2 on President Cheney: a chronology of torture and avoiding war crimes charges

HOW LONG HAS THE WAPO BEEN
SITTING ON THIS INFORMATION?




the wapo's series continues to unfold... there are several parts you should keep a close eye on... one is the terminology employed by cheney and his accomplices to euphemize torture - "robust" interrogation - and to downplay the violation of international conventions and laws... note also how war crimes charges were anticipated and strategies developed to sidestep such accountability... in particular, note that this was all taking place a mere four months after 9/11...
[O]n Jan. 11, 2002, a delegation from CIA headquarters arrived in the Situation Room. The agency presented a delicate problem to White House counsel Alberto R. Gonzales, a man with next to no experience on the subject. Vice President Cheney's lawyer, who had a great deal of experience, sat nearby.

[...]

From that moment, well before previous accounts have suggested, Cheney turned his attention to the practical business of crushing a captive's will to resist. The vice president's office played a central role in shattering limits on coercion of prisoners in U.S. custody, commissioning and defending legal opinions that the Bush administration has since portrayed as the initiatives, months later, of lower-ranking officials.

The vice president's office pushed a policy of robust interrogation that made its way to the U.S. naval prison at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, above, and Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq.

Cheney and his allies, according to more than two dozen current and former officials, pioneered a novel distinction between forbidden "torture" and permitted use of "cruel, inhuman or degrading" methods of questioning.

[...]

Many of the harsh measures he championed, and some of the broadest principles undergirding them, have survived intact but out of public view.

[...]

David S. Addington, Cheney's general counsel, set the new legal agenda in a blunt memorandum shortly after the CIA delegation returned to Langley. Geneva's "strict limits on questioning of enemy prisoners," he wrote on Jan. 25, 2002, hobbled efforts "to quickly obtain information from captured terrorists."

No longer was the vice president focused on procedural rights, such as access to lawyers and courts. The subject now was more elemental: How much suffering could U.S. personnel inflict on an enemy to make him talk? Cheney's lawyer feared that future prosecutors, with motives "difficult to predict," might bring criminal charges against interrogators or Bush administration officials.

[...]

The best defense against such a charge, Addington wrote, would combine a broad presidential direction for humane treatment, in general, with an assertion of unrestricted authority to make exceptions.

The vice president's counsel proposed that President Bush issue a carefully ambiguous directive. Detainees would be treated "humanely and, to the extent appropriate and consistent with military necessity, in a manner consistent with the principles of" the Geneva Conventions. When Bush issued his public decision two weeks later, on Feb. 7, 2002, he adopted Addington's formula -- with all its room for maneuver -- verbatim.

it's astounding to me that they were actually expecting war crimes charges, and consciously crafted the means to avoid them, and using the authority granted by congress to pursue an illegal war as justification for actions taken by the commander in chief in wartime...
The vice president's lawyer advocated what was considered the memo's most radical claim: that the president may authorize any interrogation method, even if it crosses the line of torture. U.S. and treaty laws forbidding any person to "commit torture," that passage stated, "do not apply" to the commander in chief, because Congress "may no more regulate the President's ability to detain and interrogate enemy combatants than it may regulate his ability to direct troop movements on the battlefield."

this is equally astounding... rice and powell didn't learn of the presidential directive until TWO YEARS LATER and then responded by chewing out gonzo, the guy that had the LEAST to do with the subterfuge, and never confronting either addington or cheney...
On June 8, 2004, national security adviser Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of State Colin L. Powell learned of the two-year-old torture memo for the first time from an article in The Washington Post [Read the article]. According to a former White House official with firsthand knowledge, they confronted Gonzales together in his office.

Rice "very angrily said there would be no more secret opinions on international and national security law," the official said, adding that she threatened to take the matter to the president if Gonzales kept them out of the loop again. Powell remarked admiringly, as they emerged, that Rice dressed down the president's lawyer "in full Nurse Ratched mode," a reference to the ward chief of a mental hospital in the 1975 film "One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest."

Neither of them took their objections to Cheney, the official said, a much more dangerous course.

the above is just the tip of the very large iceberg that has been exposed to the light of day in part two of this series... the rest of it focuses on the chronology up to the present, but is no less horrifying in its depiction of the power wielded by dick cheney... i recommend reading the whole thing... my opening question still stands...

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